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Following the suicide of a foreign correspondent, an editorial in the Dec. 1, 1935, issue of The Guild Reporter attempted to summarize the highs and lows of journalism. The editorial said that while reporters “share the exciting adventures and power of the people they write about, their spirits are high. But when the shot in the arm ends, too often they have no other resources or satisfactions left and life seems unbearably flat” (Lee, 1937, p. 603).
In the 70 years since that description of journalists and their work, studies have demonstrated that job satisfaction is far more complex than simply the thrill of chasing a good story (Johnstone, Slawski and Bowman, 1976; Weaver and Wilhoit, 1996; McQuarrie, 1999; Smucker, Whisenant and Pedersen, 2003; Hardin and Shain, 2005; Underwood and Bagwell, 2006). Previous job satisfaction research among journalists has emphasized demographic variables such as age, experience and gender, or tangible elements such as work conditions, salary and promotions (Johnstone, Slawski and Bowman, 1976; Weaver and Wilhoit, 1996; Smucker, Whisenant, Pedersen, 2003; Beam, 2006).
In their extensive study on job satisfaction, Herzberg, Mausner and Snyderman (1959) developed the Herzberg motivation-hygiene theory. The motivation-hygiene theory establishes the premise that job satisfaction and dissatisfaction are separate elements determined by intrinsic and extrinsic influences. Herzberg et al. hypothesized that intrinsic or motivational elements, such as recognition or achievement, are instrumental in motivating workers to do the work, and are directly connected to job satisfaction. Extrinsic or hygiene factors, such as salary or company policy, are instrumental in job dissatisfaction.
Journalism has been described as a noble profession practiced by individuals of high integrity (Weaver and Wilhoit, 1996; Mott, 1962). Journalistic obligations include accuracy, informing the public, providing balance in coverage and embracing the role of governmental watchdog (Becker, Sobowale and Cobbey, 1979; Pew Research Center, 1999). Journalists take pride in their work and view their jobs as exciting (Pew Research Center, 1999). Frank Luther Mott (1962) said the professional spirit hinges upon “devotion to service…attention to the adequate preparation of its practitioners… and adherence to certain standards. In theory, the professional man places service above personal gain” (p. 863).
While “service above personal gain” certainly is an unselfish and righteous gesture, how does it translate when personal life collides with professional work? What happens to a journalist who embraces the principles of the profession but struggles to balance those obligations with other variables such as work overload, conflict with family, and social support? And when that collision occurs, what happens to job satisfaction?
Unlike previous studies, this study will not examine the specific work of journalists but explore the environment in which they do the work. Although this study will examine workload and job demands of newspaper journalists, the primary focus will entail personal elements that influence job satisfaction – conflict between work and family, organizational support to conduct the work, social support from those surrounding the journalist, work overload, and job demands among employees. The Herzberg motivation-hygiene theory will direct the intrinsic and extrinsic elements that affect job satisfaction.
Herzberg (1968) later determined that the kick in the ass (KITA) approach – such as salary increase, fringe benefits programs and time reduction at work – are merely short-term solutions to promoting job satisfaction. Studies have shown that employee dissatisfied can lead to burnout (Baruch-Feldman, Brondolo, Ben-Dayan and Schwartz, 2002), absenteeism, and job turnover (Liu, Spector and Jex, 2005), all costly propositions for any organization. For newspaper journalism managers, reaching beyond tangible motivations, or the KITA approach, will assist in developing a long-term satisfaction program for their employees.